We have a president who, on a day he was not playing golf, threatened to invade and seize the territory of an American ally, deposited a check for $500 million from selling Venezuelan oil into an account in Qatar that only he controls, threatened to invoke the Insurrection Act to put down demonstrations against ICE in Minneapolis, and suggested cancelling the midterm elections in November.
Four outrages in a matter of a few hours. In horse racing, they call that a superfecta. Karoline Leavitt told the members of the press at the regular White House briefing that Trump was “joking” when he told Reuters, “When you think of it, we shouldn’t even have an election” in November, because “when you win the presidency, you don’t win the midterms.”
This is a deadly combination for democracy. Trump is stealing public funds in plain sight. If Trump has received funds from Venezuela for any reason, that money belongs in the U.S. Treasury, not in a bank we don’t even know the name of in Qatar, the same corrupt Gulf monarchy that “gave” him the gold-plated 747 he is using public funds to refurbish and plans to rebrand as Air Force One and take with him when he leaves office.
Invoking the insurrection act is a last-option decision that has been made only a few times in recent years by Presidents Kennedy, Johnson, and George H.W. Bush. Kennedy and Johnson used the Insurrection Act to federalize troops in southern states when their governors would not use their own law enforcement officers to execute the Civil Rights laws that mandated the integration of public schools in Alabama and Arkansas. George H.W. Bush invoked the Insurrection Act at the request of the Governor of California to help put down the riots that consumed Los Angeles after cops were let off for beating Rodney King in 1992. The L.A. riots went on for six days, with 63 people killed, more than 2,000 seriously injured, 12,000 arrested, and more than a billion dollars damage done to public and private property. I was there during the riots. We could see fires burning around the city from our street in the Hollywood Hills. It was a conflagration that threatened to consume much of the city.
The Insurrection Act allows a president to federalize command of U.S. soldiers and deploy them in a law enforcement role. The president can invoke the Act at the request of the governor of a state, or the president can invoke the Act against the wishes of the governor if local law enforcement cannot enforce the laws of the state or federal government because they are overwhelmed or refuse to enforce the laws. The Act also allows troops to be used in a law enforcement capacity if the civil rights of citizens are being violated and local law enforcement refuses to protect those constitutional rights.
Invoking the Insurrection Act suspends the Posse Comitatus Act, an 1878 law which forbids using federally controlled soldiers to enforce the law.
What the Insurrection Act does not do is establish martial law, which is typically defined as the federal government taking over control of a state’s civilian government in an emergency. The Act does not permit soldiers to violate the constitutional rights of citizens. For example, under the Insurrection Act, soldiers cannot search private homes or businesses without a warrant. The Act does not permit soldiers to use violence, such as beatings and attacks using police dogs, to subdue people who are exercising their right to free speech. President Johnson invoked the Insurrection Act to protect the civil rights of marchers on their way from Selma to Montgomery, Alabama, when they were being attacked and beaten by local and state police.
According to Supreme Court precedents, the Insurrection Act cannot be used in bad faith by a president or to “act in a way manifestly unauthorized by law,” according to the Brennan Center for Justice. The Act authorizes troops to be federalized and deployed in case of an “insurrection,” “rebellion” or “domestic violence,” but the Act does not define those terms. One Supreme Court decision from the 1930’s established the precedent that courts may review the use of the Insurrection Act by presidents in cases where federal troops have violated citizens’ constitutional rights or federal laws.
So even though a president can invoke the Insurrection Act at his own discretion, that right is not absolute.
The problem with this president is that “bad faith” is his way of governing. How can anyone, or any court, see using the U.S. military to attack a NATO ally as anything other than “bad faith?” How could theft of public funds be defined as executing the laws of the United States faithfully?
They can’t. But Donald Trump, protected by a corrupt decision of the Supreme Court making him immune from prosecution for any “official act,” acts every day with impunity. He tore down an entire wing of the White House without consultation with Washington D.C. agencies that control the modification or destruction of landmark buildings. Destroying the East Wing of the White House was an illegal act on its face. But with Trump himself in absolute control of the Department of Justice, who is going to stop him? According to the Supreme Court, the DOJ could not prosecute him, even if they wanted to. Similarly, the DOJ cannot prosecute him for theft of public funds, when his decision to deposit Venezuela’s oil money in Qatar would be defined as an official act.
The big question on the table, however, isn’t Trump’s theft or defiance of landmark preservation laws in Washington D.C. The question is Trump’s bad faith execution of the powers of the presidency across the board every day.
Can Trump invoke the Insurrection Act to use the National Guard in a law enforcement capacity to put down the demonstrations in Minneapolis? Probably. He would invoke the Insurrection Act on the basis that demonstrators in Minneapolis are on the streets with the express purpose of stopping ICE from enforcing the law by rounding up undocumented immigrants, which the law gives them the power to do.
Next fall, could Trump invoke the Insurrection Act to put soldiers on the streets to stop the midterm elections for Congress and state elections for representatives, judges, sheriffs, and other offices? Not by any fair reading of the Insurrection Act, he couldn’t.
But would he?
That is another question. His interview with Reuters was not the first time he has talked about cancelling the midterm elections. At a House Republican retreat last week, Trump raised the possibility of Democrats impeaching him if they win the midterms. He told House Republicans, however, that he would not cancel the elections because “the fake news will say, ‘He wants the elections canceled. He’s a dictator.’ They always call me a dictator.”
That’s what we used to call a non-denial denial. Every breath Donald Trump takes is in bad faith. If he tells you he’s not lying, he’s lying. If he tells you he won’t do something, he’ll do it. If he tells you he was never on Jeffrey Epstein’s private jet, he was on it.
If he tells you he won’t try to cancel the midterm elections, he’ll try it. It’s up to us to be ready to use everything in our power, from the courts to the streets, to stop him.


